Juan Carlos I was the beneficiary of two ‘trusts’ created in the 90s with unknown funds


The Lucum Foundation was not the only financial structure linked to Juan Carlos I and created abroad. Long before, in 1995 and 1997, the Head of State at the time had benefited from of them confidence called Tartessos Yes Hereu [heredero, en catalán] to which funds were paid, the origin of which could not be determined with certainty within the framework of the investigation carried out by the public prosecutor’s office, since there is no longer any documentation concerning them.

This is one of the reasons with which the chief anti-corruption prosecutor, Alejandro Luzón, pleads the filing of the procedure opened in November 2020 to investigate information from Sepblac, the body responsible for detecting money laundering operations. money, concerning a confidence incorporated in the island of Jersey called JRM 2004. This structure was created with funds from trusts Tartessos Yes Hereu.

Luzón submitted two weeks ago to the Attorney General, Dolores Delgado, the decree for the filing of these proceedings as well as those of the two other investigations carried out on the opaque heritage of the emeritus: the funds hidden in Switzerland between 2008 and 2012 and the donations from businessman Allem Sanginés-Krause.

The writings are not a draft, say prosecution sources, but their content has been finalized and they are only waiting for Delgado, who gave them the green light, to give instructions to Luzon to sign them.

The filing of the lawsuits on the structures of Jersey was anticipated this Monday by Cadena Cope and it concludes that “There are no indications allowing a direct criminal reproach against SMD Juan Carlos de Borbón y Borbón”.

The lack of documentation on Tartessos Yes Hereu prevent obtaining verifiable data on the origin of the funds which fed them, while the confidence JMR 2004born after the dissolution of Tartessos Yes Hereu and with the funds of these he has no formal connection with Juan Carlos I.

Structures in a tax haven

What is proven, although it lacks criminal consequences, is that Juan Carlos de Borbón was, when he was head of statebeneficiary of financial structures located in a tax haven.

the confidence It is an economic and legal instrument of Anglo-Saxon law by means of which a distinct patrimony is created from the person who constitutes it (colonizer) and to which it transfers its assets, so that an administrator (curator) manages them for the benefit of whom the instructing party appoints (beneficiaries).

Is it curator The person who owns the property with the obligation to administer it for the benefit of the persons designated as beneficiaries of the confidence or purpose established in the confidence.

A historian behind

The JMR Trust 2004 was incorporated in Jersey in March 2004 by the historian Joaquin Romero Maurawho was adviser to Juan Carlos I, being named curator (director) Bermuda Trust.

The prosecution tried to locate Joaquín Romero to take his statement, but the historian, who is currently 81, is in a residence seriously affected by a neurodegenerative disease.

Romero Maura was also linked to Manuel Prado Colon de Carvajaldied in December 2009. Both served on the board of trustees of New York University’s King Juan Carlos I Center Foundation after it was incorporated in November 1993 under the patronage of the Spanish head of state.

Manuel Prado is the one who mounted in 1995 and 1997 the confidence Tartessos and Hereu, whose funds were used seven years later to found JMR 2004.

Juan Carlos I was the beneficiary of Tartessos and Hereu. According to the statement of the administrator of these structures – of which there is currently no documentation – part of the funds linked to these confidence It came from donations made between the 1950s and 1970s to support then-Prince Juan Carlos. Among those who have contributed funds are figures such as Simeon of Bulgaria.

Beyond the information provided by the trustee and the Jersey tax authorities, the exact origin of the funds is unknown. nearly 10 million euros who come to add the funds of those confidence and there is no certain basis to affirm that they were supplied by the funds of the KIO that Manuel Prado appropriated and for which he was condemned and imprisoned, say sources of the prosecution.

Tartessos and Hereu remained Juan Carlos I who became head of state with the title of king. The aim would be to support “in the event that he has been overthrown by an unconstitutional coup or similar situation”according to the decree of the file.

In 2004, “the political situation in Spain was stable, the heir, now King Felipe VI, had just married, the monarchy enjoyed the prestige and public notoriety of the existence of the confidence, with the presence within them of Manuel de Prado, already condemned by the Audiencia Nacional, would have demanded embarrassing explanations”. Juan Carlos I “decided to liquidate the trusts and transfer his funds to Joaquín Romero Maura”.

No clue

The historian established the JMR trust in 2004 and was the only one with the funds. Juan Carlos I ceases to appear as beneficiary and Romero Maura’s wife and the British Refugee Council appear as beneficiaries.

The decree of Luçon indicates that JMR 2004 has had little activity during all these years and that there have never been transfers of funds in favor of third parties.

Thus, “from 2004 to 2021 There is no evidence to establish a link The JRM Trust 2004 with HM Don Juan Carlos de Borbonnot in its management or in the ability to dispose of the funds”.

The King Emeritus “has at no time had beneficiary status and there is no evidence that he received any amount from his accounts.

“In any case”, he concludes, “from June 19, 2014, the date on which the abdication of His Majesty King Don Juan Carlos I became effective and the inviolability and irresponsibility that the King of Spain establishes in Article 56.3 of the Spanish Constitution, the provisions of the Trust JRM 2004 they were in amounts that would in no case reach the quota corresponding to a crime against the public treasury, even when these funds had finally been handed over to a Spanish taxpayer, of which there is no record”.


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